It sounds like a philosophical debate, right? The time of the myth is when you still do not feel the anguish of certainty. You must not be sure; the myth is a possibility, not a guarantee. There is no length or time guarantee; it is magical. It inaugurates, opens a door for you to cross and travel the world, interact and find fulfillment in the world. It is always, obligatorily, a collective experience.
It is not the subject, not the self-made man. There is no self-made man in this history. People belong to their collective, their histories are marked by a profound interaction with a constellation of people who, often have their cultural heritage at their base — their grandparents, their ancestors.
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Regardless of what they worship, the most ancient and ancestral memories lie at the core of their mindsets, in the way they position themselves in the world. Many of these persons are dreamed, and when the mother starts gestation, the family, the collective, already knows that the child has come, and who is coming.
Stochasticity versus determinism in development: a false dichotomy?
So different traditions know that an elder is coming. But it is the capacity to understand the flow, the long journey of human experience that interacts with those who are alive and the ancestors, regardless of religion. You can even be evangelical. It differs from Paulo Freire. If you are educating people in order to work in the labor market, if you are educating a critical people in your society, if you are encouraging people to govern or to be governed, this is the choice that the State makes. Her capability of managing the education apparatus, seeing it from inside and criticizing it, is how likewise I criticize the State's apparatus to capture the indigenous population.
You calibrate the machines in order to produce the type of thing that the market is ordering. Decidedly, education today in Brazil is geared to attending to the market, even when it improves… Education must be a privileged environment for boys and girls to experiment. A person in the world is a total potential, a possible interaction with everything. I know that for her it is difficult to accept an invitation to be Secretary of Education, but there are moments in which our engagement makes us enter such an alley and make it wider, give it a purpose.
It is there that we must cross. It was in these circumstances that I had a 10 year relationship with the State. When I was acting as consultant to the State of Minas Gerais, and not the Government of Minas Gerais, I was interfering in the intersections of the State apparatus, and in its reproduction, in order to change their contact with our indigenous communities and territories.
Opposites and Opposition
To balance the kind of structure with which the State school's network could reach the villages, and how could it be done. We could not simply undertake a transfer, an extension of the outside education network and implement it in the villages, this was the natural tendency of the State. It is a type of a clapperboard of the State's apparatus: once it perceives some creativity rising, some invention being spread Ailton Krenak : Exactly, the State has the means of controlling it. The State hinders, reduces, slash costs, removes from office those administrators committed to such creative programs, then puts others in their place who agree with the State.
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These are people who act inside the forest, defending territories, the forest, biodiversity and the capability of those peoples to organize and move towards wider spaces, that do not need to be the city. It is as if they were questioning the cities' hegemony over the diverse ways of occupation, community, and in fact, such resistance of forestzenship must exist to question urban citizenship, since. Forestzenship is a great way to question if cities are really the best place for people to cooperate with each other, to reproduce life and culture, or if they are only electricity consumers, and even natural resource consumers, seeing as cities drain their whole surroundings.
For a city to exist it must build a Belo Monte dam. At least they say it must. Jailson: And how do you place the youth in this context? What about the youth today, how are the indigenous today?
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What is your perspective regarding such potency? Ailton Krenak : I see the indigenous youth, from my six year-old child to those who are 27, 30, as extremely interested in being connected to the world. In fact, most black elected officials today embrace some form of deracialized strategy at some point during their campaign, when it is deemed necessary. When he ran a deracialized campaign for the Tennessee Senate seat against incumbent Republican Bob Corker, he downplayed the role of race and racism in maintaining social inequities and made sure that he appealed to white voters while being careful to not antagonize black voters.
Deval and Obama have adopted the same strategy 11 :. It taps into an optimism, real or manufactured, that we are all in this together, full of possibility; and it avoid the negative and what detractors call victimhood. He stands also as a perfect example of the effectiveness of deracialized strategies.
Indeed, it takes some political experience to use deracialized strategies effectively It is also easier for them not to make explicit references to specific racial interests because of the absence of strong ties with civil rights organizations. Indeed, black politicians of the s and s came directly from the Civil Rights Movement. In the s and s the ties were still strong, but less than they used to be, as shows the attitude of black candidates at the end of the s.
The latter did not claim the civil rights heritage as vocally as their elders, because their political experience was somewhat removed from it. One would be mistaken, though, to read continuous progression away from racialized politics. Indeed, most black politicians do not deracialize their discourse at all times. When necessary, they are also able to make racial appeals, as they remain careful not to antagonize black voters.
When interviewed by Gwen Ifill, Cory Booker makes sure that we understand the subtle difference between electoral strategy and reality:. If you ignore race, do it at your own peril […] I mean how can you ignore [that] racial realities exist in the US of America? How could you ignore that I live in a state with 14 percent African Americans, but the prison population is over 60 percent black? I can embrace my black brothers and sisters, whether in this country or in Africa, and affirm a common destiny without pretending to speak to, or for, all our various struggles OBAMA , p. And if I had one wish: if Medgar [Evers], or if Dr.
King could have just been there for a second in time, would have made my heart rejoice. The wave of euphoria that swept the country on election night led commentators and pundits to only turn to the future and claim that racial progress had been achieved to the point that America had become deracialized. The election of the first black president was proof of it. That is what they meant by the advent of a postracial America. A year after the election, the euphoria might have subsided, but blacks and whites were more optimistic than ever in their understanding of the significance of race, or so it was perceived to be according to a Pew Research Center survey published in January This data raises several issues.
This indicates that black optimism is relative, and it says nothing about intragroup differences. Furthermore, this sense of racial progress is not affected by reality, which is that the socioeconomic gap between whites and blacks is still wide and not narrowing, with the black household income being only Moreover, one can wonder whether blacks and whites actually share an understanding of what race and racism mean, and of what racial equality actually stands for.
Does postracialism mean that race as a social construct has become meaningless? Is racism all about an overt and individual social practice or is it a more collective, subtle one?taylor.evolt.org/riris-ligar-en.php
Or that racism in its collective, structural form is not anymore? From the answers to the former questions, can it be deducted that the socioeconomic divide between blacks and whites has nothing to do with race? Does the same hold true for young Americans, the so-called millennial generation, labeled postracial because of its unprecedentedly racial diversity, its tremendous support for Obama in 16 and its great tolerance for group interaction embodied in practices such as interracial dating and interracial marriage PEW ?
Does the young generation believe that postracialism is a social reality? Young whites focused on individual interaction to define racism whereas blacks focused on the impact of racism at the collective level.
Meanwhile, defying the label, most agreed with the statement that race continued to matter:. But when asked to discuss the impact, or lack thereof, that race and racism have within various systems, a large majority assert that race continues to matter APOLLON It was difficult for those young Americans to assess the existence of structural racism.
Dichotomies in Toni Morrison's 'Recitatif'
What the study confirms, and this conclusion concurs with the ones of Pew, is that differences of opinion on the significance of race and racism are still articulated along racial lines. Whites are more inclined to see racial equality as a reality than blacks, and to equate overt, segregationist practices with actual racism 18 ARC June , They have difficulty acknowledging the potential harmfulness of structural racism.
Consequently, this survey underlines the persistence of racial divisions in public opinion, even across generations, whites being generally more optimistic than blacks with having to deal with issues of race and racism. Most participants indeed seem to agree with the idea that postracial America, a place where race no longer matters and everyone has the same opportunities, is something to be wished for. Still, blacks expressed the most skepticism at the potentiality of it happening in the future.
The statistics are almost inverted when they deal with racism not being a major problem anymore. The opinion of blacks and whites tend to converge slightly when dealing with the possibility that racial equality be achieved in their lifetime, with an point margin nevertheless, whites being as always, the more optimistic of the two racial groups.